Edward Nalbandian
Translated by Vartan Matiossian
This is the verbatim translation of the French article that the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic Armenia recently published in the Parisian daily "Le Figaro". Several outlets of Armenia (Armenian Public Radio, News.am, Tert.am)
posted an English version on September 6, called "full
version" in Tert. am, as well as in "Asbarez," which reprinted it on
September 8. According to Tert.am, there were "slight abridgements" in
the version published by "Le Figaro," which were far from being "slight": FOUR entire paragraphs and HALF of FOUR others were left out, without counting some significant textual differences.
Missed opportunities fill the history of international relations.
Missed opportunities fill the history of international relations.
The statement of Recep Tayyip Erdogan on the eve of the 99th anniversary
of the genocide of the Armenians is such an unfortunate case. The artificial
notions of “common pain” and “fair memory” and the appeal to
the Turks and Armenians to “follow Erdogan’s lead” are misleading. Has not Ahmet
Davutoglu declared that, “the main goal of Erdogan’s statement is to prevent
international efforts towards the recognition of the genocide”? Instead of
concrete steps towards reconciliation, here is a call looking forward to
countering the international recognition of the Armenian genocide.
It is hard to find a nation nostalgic towards its centuries-old
suppression in its ancestral homeland. Any oppressed nation cannot share
the nostalgia towards the Ottoman Empire. Like other empires, the
Ottoman Empire was built upon and forcefully sustained through
suppression of the basic rights and freedoms of many of its citizens.
Mr Davutoglu’s differentiation of the Western and Turkish perception
of sufferings by Christians and Muslims is astonishing. The Armenian
Genocide is not only part of Armenian or western memory and history, but
also of the memory of the Muslim world. One of the earliest references
to the Armenian Genocide belongs to Muslim witness Fayez El Ghossein,
who in 1916 published his work entitled “The Massacres in Armenia.”
Sharif and Emir of Mecca Husayn ibn Ali was one of the prominent Islamic
leaders, who acted against the program of physical annihilation of the
Armenians and called on his subjects to defend Armenians as they would
defend themselves and their children. In 1919-1921 the large-scale
extermination of Armenians were referred such Turkish public figures as
Refi Cevat, Ahmet Refik Altinay. Many Muslim historians refer to the
massacres of Armenians as genocide, while Arab historian Moussa Prince
used the term “Armenocide”, considering it as “the most genocidal
genocide.”
For the sake of “just memory” artificial political actions and calls
are not needed, while those, who dare express their opinion freely are
killed like Hrant Dink, or exiled like Orhan Pamuk, or taken to custody,
like Ragıp Zarakolu.
Davutoglu is playing the same old tune of the commission of
historians “in order to find the truth”. A competent institution on the issue,
the International Association of Genocide Scholars, has discarded this idea by
calling Ankara to accept facts proven long ago. We need concrete progress and
not worn-out tactics. The ratification of the Zurich Protocols, the normalization
of Armenian-Turkish relations, the opening of the borders could pave the way to
the difficult path of reconciliation. The sub-commission on historical dimension,
as envisaged by those protocols, could implement a dialogue with the aim to
restore mutual confidence between our two nations. It is impossible to do it by
putting under question once again the reality of the Armenian genocide.
Mr. Erdogan has yet underlined that in 1915 “many Ottoman citizens lost
their lives, regardless of their religion or their origin,” trying to morally
equalize war losses and the systematic annihilation of civilians targeted by
their ethnic origin; actually, the systematic annihilation of Armenian
civilians perpetrated in 1915 in the Ottoman Empire is a genocide as defined by
the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
Did the Turkish president forget the indictment of the 1919
Turkish Military Tribunal, which formally proved that the large-scale massacres
of the Armenians were a state policy, and sentenced its main instigators to
death? Didn’t he notice that Rafael Lemkin referred to the Armenian example to
develop the concept of genocide? Should I remind that on May 24, 1915 France,
Great Britain, and Russia issued a special declaration by which they warned the
perpetrators of the atrocities of their personal responsibility for “these new
crimes [of Turkey] against humanity and civilization”? The Armenian genocide
was planned with genocidal intent beyond any reasonable doubt. Meanwhile an attempt is made by the Turkish officials to equate the
losses of the war and the systematic annihilation of Armenians, as a
result of which millions of my predecessors lost their lives, homes,
lands, properties.There was an attempt to strip millions of Armenians in the Ottoman
Empire of their right to life, as well as their past – more than 2000
cultural and religious monuments were destroyed and the survivors were
driven off the lands they had inhabited for many centuries, before Turks
came to this region. In 1915 one of the chief masterminds of the
Armenian genocide, then Interior Minister Mehmed Talaat Pasha confessed
to Germany’s Consul General that “there is no Armenian question, because
there are no more Armenians.” He was wrong, but the nature, magnitude
and the consequences of that horrible crime are far beyond the
definition of “suffering.”
Erdogan rhetorically asks: “If such a genocide occurred, would there have
been any Armenians living in this country?” Today a large number of Jews live
in Germany, but no one would dare put under question once again the reality of
the Shoah. Or, how can one speak of “relocation”, when 1.5 million of people died
or were killed? Planned marching people to the dessert, starving them to
death, killing most of them en route is not a relocation, it is a
“death march,” it is a genocide.
The denial of the genocide, the atmosphere of impunity paved the way for the repetition of new crimes against humanity. Genocide denial is considered by scholars as the last phase of the crime of genocide. The existence of certain people who deny it does not mean that there is a “controversy.” Official denial imposed by the Turkish state does not erase the factuality of a genocide which nobody doubts. Turkey makes a controversy with herself.
The denial of the genocide, the atmosphere of impunity paved the way for the repetition of new crimes against humanity. Genocide denial is considered by scholars as the last phase of the crime of genocide. The existence of certain people who deny it does not mean that there is a “controversy.” Official denial imposed by the Turkish state does not erase the factuality of a genocide which nobody doubts. Turkey makes a controversy with herself.
Is it possible to make the descendants of genocide survivors, spread all
over the world, a part of the complicity of genocide denial? Is it
possible to equate perpetrators and victims of genocide by such clichés
as “common pain”? It is appalling to imagine that the perpetrators of
the Holocaust, of genocides in Cambodia, in Rwanda, and other crimes
against humanity, can be equated with the victims. Is it even possible
to consider genocide survivors’ descendants as “Turkish diaspora”, which
some Turkish politicians are trying to do today?
Esther Mujawayo, survivor of the Tutsi genocide, has recalled before the UN Human Rights Council that today “the fourth generation of Armenian is still waiting.” The entire international community waits for Turkey to recognize the Armenian genocide. The sincere desire of reconciliation must be proven by the recognition and condemnation of this crime. The Turkish government must not refrain from taking this path that thousands of Turkish citizens have already chosen.
Esther Mujawayo, survivor of the Tutsi genocide, has recalled before the UN Human Rights Council that today “the fourth generation of Armenian is still waiting.” The entire international community waits for Turkey to recognize the Armenian genocide. The sincere desire of reconciliation must be proven by the recognition and condemnation of this crime. The Turkish government must not refrain from taking this path that thousands of Turkish citizens have already chosen.
Davutoglu has taken composer Komitas as an example of Armenians’ creative
action in the Ottoman Empire. “Just memory” should contribute to make known the
life of Komitas, who was a witness to the Genocide. It should recall the horrors
that led him to say that “this distress will drive us mad!” It should
underscore that, from 1916 onwards and for 20 years, this distress drove him to
end his life a psychiatric hospital.
On April 24, 2003, when we were unveiling the Komitas statue in Paris, I expressed
hope that this memorial to the victims of the Armenian genocide could symbolize
the memory of the victims of all genocides of the 20th century, that it would
become a site of contemplation for all those who consider tolerance and respect
to human life and dignity are continuous duty, that there would bow not only
the children of those who suffered in their body and their soul, but also the
children of those who caused those sufferings. The route to reconciliation does
not take the tortuous paths of denial, but the straight and clear roads of memory
and awareness, because true reconciliation does not mean either forgetting the
past or poisoning younger generations with denialist tales. Turkey must
reconcile with its own past to be able to build its future.
The President of Armenia has invited his Turkish colleague on
April 24, 1915, on the occasion of the commemoration of the 100th anniversary
of the Armenian Genocide. We sincerely hope that it will not be a missed
opportunity and the President of Turkey will be in Yerevan on that day.
"Le Figaro," September 6, 2014
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