Ben Cohen
In 1915, when stories of the systematic extermination of the Armenian
minority in Anatolia by the Ottoman authorities started to surface in
the Western press, Turkish diplomats were rapidly mobilized to deny the
reports. “All those who have been killed were of that rebellious
element,” the Turkish consul in New York, Djelal Munif Bey, told the New York Times,
“who were caught red-handed or while otherwise committing traitorous
acts against the Turkish Government, and not women and children, as some
of these fabricated reports would have the Americans believe.”
As the sun began to set on the Ottoman Empire, its leaders–and their
secular successors–laid the foundations of a gruesome template that
remains with us today. Ever since the slaughter of the Armenians, each
episode of genocide and mass killing has been accompanied by voices who
willfully deny that such horrors actually took place. Genocide denial is
a phenomenon most commonly associated with the Shoah, but it also
raised its head in Bangladesh in 1971, in Cambodia in 1979, in the
former Yugoslavia and in Iraq during the 1990s, in Rwanda in 1994 and in
Syria in the present day. (*)As the original pioneers of genocide
denial, the Turks remain its most aggressive practitioners. That,
perhaps, is to be expected; far less understandable is the willingness
of certain countries and institutions to collude in this trampling of
history and memory. In that regard, this item from Denmark's Copenhagen Post (**) is nothing less than astounding:
The Royal Library has attracted heavy criticism after agreeing to let Turkey co-arrange an alternative exhibition about the Armenian Genocide.The library has complied with the wishes of the Turkish ambassador to Denmark to be involved with the exhibition, ‘The Armenian Genocide and the Scandinavian response’, which is currently on display at the University of Copenhagen.The Turkish Embassy has been granted the opportunity to stage a Turkish version of the historical events in a move that has generated criticism from a number of circles, including politicians, historians, and the Armenian Embassy in Copenhagen.
Genocide scholars in Denmark have reacted angrily. “If you believe
that all versions of history are equal, then you’ve undermined your role
as a research institution,” said the historian Matthias Bjørnlund. “It
was genocide and not all interpretations of this history are correct.”
But the director of the Royal Library, Erland Kolding Nielsen, denied
having caved to pressure from the Turkish Embassy. “One can’t pressure
us, and we have not spoken about removing the Armenian exhibition. We
have simply given [the Turks] the opportunity to show their alternative
exhibition,” Nielsen said.
Clearly, this sets an extremely dangerous precedent. No longer does
it seem far-fetched to think that an exhibition about, say, Auschwitz,
or the North Korean gulags, might be “balanced” with a
“counter-narrative” from the perspective of the perpetrators of these
atrocities.
The current Danish controversy also speaks volumes about the extent
to which Turkey is prepared to go in enforcing its state doctrine of
genocide denial upon its ostensible allies. Earlier this year, Ankara
temporarily froze ties with France after that country’s Senate passed a
law officially recognizing the Armenian massacres as a genocide.
Responding to similar efforts by American lawmakers, Turkey’s Islamist
prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, told President Obama in March that he was “tired” by the constant reminders of Turkey’s
historic crime, adding that the U.S. administration should “not …
mistake U.S. senators, lawmakers and politicians for historians.”
For decades, Turkey has acted on the premise that Western
acquiescence toward its regional bullying–whether that involves its
assaults on Kurdish civilians or its continued occupation of northern
Cyprus–means that it will never be obliged to reckon with the monstrous
crimes committed against the Armenians. If the authors of Washington’s
policy toward Turkey want us to believe that Erdogan and his cohorts
share not just our strategic goals, but our core values too, then Ankara
must be told that the practice of genocide denial, inaugurated by
Djelal Munif Bey in 1915, is no longer acceptable almost 100 years on.
"Commentary," December 5, 2012
(*) It is regrettable that the author has chosen to put forward the farfetched claim of a "genocide" happening in Syria and thus to denaturalize the concept of "genocide denial" ("Armeniaca").
(**) Christian Wenande, "Royal Library Under Fire for Armenian Genocide Exhibition," The Copenhagen Post, December 4, 2012.
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