Nicholas Wade
"Armeniaca": This very informative article summarizes some of the latest discoveries in the unending controversy over the origins of Indo-European languages, which includes, indeed, the early history of the Armenian language. As a marginal note, it is sad to point out that the illustration accompanying the article, which was borrowed from the original scholarly study in the journal Language, includes the family tree of Indo-European languages with a mistake that would embarrass any undergraduate student of linguistics. The illustration (p. 199-200 of the article in Language) literally invents a ridiculous name, "Adapazar," to call one of the branches that derived from Classical Armenian. Any number of elementary textbooks on Indo-European linguistics will
tell readers that there is no such thing as a branch of the Armenian
language called "Adapazar," but one called Western Armenian. The authors assume that Classical Armenian yielded two branches, Eastern Armenian and Western Armenian, as if they were direct descendents, when, actually, they are branches of Modern Armenian.
The
peoples of India, Iran and Europe speak a Babel of tongues, but most —
English included — are descended from an ancient language known as
proto-Indo-European. Scholars have argued for two centuries about the
identity and homeland of those who spoke this parent language, but a
surprisingly sudden resolution of this longstanding issue may be at
hand.
Many
origins have been proposed for the birthplace of the Indo-European
languages, but only two serious candidates are now under discussion, one
of which assumes they were spread by the sword, the other by the plow.
Historical
linguists can reconstruct many words of proto-Indo-European from their
descendants. For example, there was probably a word “kwekwlos,” meaning
wheel, which is the ancestor of “kuklos” in classical Greek, of “kakra”
in Old Indic and – because K shifts to H in Germanic languages – of
“hweohl” in Old English, itself the ancestor of wheel in modern English.
From
the reconstructed vocabulary, the speakers of proto-Indo-European seem
to have been pastoralists, familiar with sheep and wheeled vehicles.
Archaeologists find that wheeled vehicles emerged around 4000 B.C.,
suggesting the proto-Indo-European speakers began to flourish some 6,500
years ago on the steppe grasslands above the Black and Caspian Seas.
This steppe theory, favored by many linguists, holds that the
proto-Indo-European speakers then spread their language to Europe, India
and western China, whether by conquest or the appeal of their pastoral
economy.
This
theory was challenged by Colin Renfrew, a Cambridge archaeologist who
proposed in 1987 that the languages had been spread by the Neolithic
farmers who brought agriculture to Europe. Under this scenario, the
homeland of proto-Indo-European was in Anatolia, now Turkey, and its
speakers started migrating some 8,000 to 9,500 years ago.
Dr.
Renfrew’s proposal carried weight because the expansion of farming
peoples is an accepted mechanism of language spread, and the migration
of Neolithic farmers into Europe is well documented archaeologically.
Linguists objected that proto-Indo-European could not have fragmented so
early because the wheel wasn’t invented 8,000 years ago, yet many
Indo-European languages have related words for wheel that must be
derived from a common parent. But Dr. Renfrew argued that, long after
their dispersal, these languages could all have borrowed the word for
wheel along with the invention itself.
The
standoff between the steppe and Anatolian theories of Indo-European
origin persisted until 2003. Two New Zealand biologists, Russell Gray
and Quentin Atkinson of the University of Auckland, entered the fray
with an impressive method of constructing datable trees of language
descent. Historical linguists had drawn up trees of how
proto-Indo-European had split into its daughter languages, based on sets
of related words known as cognates. The word for water is “wasser” in
German, “vatten” in Swedish and “nero” in modern Greek. The similar
English, German and Swedish words are said to be cognates, derived from
an inferred proto-Indo-European word “wodr,” but the “nero” of modern
Greek is not.
Linguists
had hoped that by comparing languages in terms of how many cognates
they shared, the Indo-European tree could be dated. But after
discovering that the rates of language change varied widely from one
branch to another, they largely gave up.
Dr.
Gray and Dr. Atkinson realized that statistical methods developed by
biologists for tracking the evolution of genes and proteins addressed
many of the problems that exist in reconstructing trees of language
descent. They represented each Indo-European language as a string of 1s
and 0s, depending on whether it shared cognates for a list of words
known to resist change. They then computed the likeliest of the many
possible trees that would give rise to the observed data.
Their
preferred tree of Indo-European languages had the same shape as that
constructed by historical linguists. But its lower branches could be
dated from historical events like the split between Latin and Rumanian
when Roman troops withdrew south of the Danube in A.D. 270. And with the
lower branches anchored in time, they could date the root.
Proto-Indo-European, they calculated, was spoken 7,800 to 9,800 years
ago.
That
conclusion provided striking support for the Anatolian theory. Dr. Gray
and Dr. Atkinson, with Remco Bouckaert and colleagues, dropped a second
shoe in 2012 when they applied to the dispersal of proto-Indo-European a
statistical model developed to track the geographical spread of
viruses. It showed “decisive support for an Anatolian origin over a
steppe origin,” the authors concluded in an article in Science.
It
seemed that with the biologists’ help, the archaeologists’ Anatolian
theory had triumphed over the linguists’ steppe hypothesis. But two
findings reported this month have abruptly tilted the weight of evidence
toward the steppes.
Though
some linguists had dismissed the Gray and Atkinson result, others
realized their computational approach had much to offer. Andrew Garrett,
a linguist at the University of California, Berkeley, has teamed up
with Will Chang, a linguist trained in computational techniques. They
and colleagues noticed that in the 2012 article by Dr. Bouckaert and
others, in eight cases where an ancient language is the widely assumed
ancestor of a modern one, the modern language is shown as being
descended from a hypothetical cousin of the ancient language.
For
example, the Romance languages are assigned to a hypothetical cousin of
Latin, not Latin itself, and English to an inferred cousin of Old
English.
Dr.
Garrett and Mr. Chang thought it would be more realistic for the tree
to adopt generally accepted language ancestries, even though this
required overruling its probability calculations.
When the Bouckaert tree was forced to adopt the eight accepted language ancestries, Dr. Garrett and Mr. Chang and colleagues report
in the journal Language, the whole tree shrank in age and its root
stepped down to 6,500 years old, in agreement with the steppe hypothesis
of Indo-European origins.
A
second boost for the steppe theory has emerged from the largest study
of ancient DNA in Europe, based on analysis of 69 people who lived 3,000
to 8,000 years ago. Patterns in the DNA bear evidence of a migration
into Germany some 4,500 years ago of people from the Yamnaya culture of
the steppes, the first to develop a pastoral economy based on wagons,
sheep and horses. So extensive was this migration that three-quarters of
the ancient people sampled in Germany bear Yamnaya-type DNA, says a
team led by Wolfgang Haak of the University of Adelaide, Australia, and
David Reich of Harvard Medical School. Their report was posted this
month on bioRxiv.
If
so much of the population was replaced, the newcomers’ language
probably prevailed, and the migration plausibly represents an expansion
of Indo-European speakers from the steppes. “These results provide
support for the theory of a steppe origin of at least some of the
Indo-European languages of Europe,” the authors say.
The
three oldest branchings of the Indo-European tree, according to Don
Ringe, a historical linguist at the University of Pennsylvania, are
first, languages such as Hittite once spoken in Anatolia; second,
Tocharian, a language group of western China; and third, the Italic and
Celtic language groups of Europe. Archaeological evidence attests
migrations out of the steppe in these directions in the right order, say
Dr. Ringe and David Anthony, an archaeologist at Hartwick College,
writing in the Annual Review of Linguistics.
They
also note that proto-Indo-European has borrowed words from
proto-Uralic, the inferred ancestor of languages such as Hungarian,
Finnish and Estonian, and from languages of the Caucasus. A location in
the steppes, but not in Anatolia, would make such borrowings
geographically plausible. The evidence for a steppe origin of the
Indo-European languages “is so strong that arguments in support of other
hypotheses should be re-examined,” Dr. Ringe and Dr. Anthony say.
But
the case is not yet closed. The two new pieces of evidence, Dr.
Garrett’s correction of the Bouckaert tree and the ancient DNA data, may
not be as conclusive as they seem.
Dr.
Renfrew, the author of the Anatolian hypothesis, considers it a “strong
possibility” that the migration from the steppes to Europe recorded in
ancient DNA may be a secondary phenomenon. In other words, Indo-European
could have spread first from Anatolia to the steppes and from there to
Europe.
And
the biologists who draw up statistically probable language trees do not
believe the Garrett team is justified in making the trees conform to
ancestry constraints. “The Garrett and Chang model is overzealous in
forcing ancient languages to be directly ancestral – the data don’t
support this,” said Dr. Atkinson, referring to new tests he has done.
One
reason is that written languages tend to be fossilized, said Paul
Heggarty, a linguist at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary
Biology: Living languages are likely to be descended from a spoken
language that diverged from the written version.
“The seemingly innocent assumptions which Garrett introduces,” Dr. Renfrew said, “turn out not to be so uncomplicated.”
"The New York Times," February 23, 2015
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