John Evans (*)
In 451 A.D., Armenian warriors, having just lost a fierce battle with
the superior Persian Empire, retreated into the forests of Artsakh in
the South Caucasus. They had lost the war, but preserved their Christian
faith, and thus considered it a victory. Armenia was the first nation
to embrace Christianity, in the year 301.
In 2018, a small but determined Armenian democratic republic, the
Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh (or “Artsakh,” as Armenians call it) is
attempting to survive, threatened by a militarily superior power that
wishes to crush it. Professor Audrey Altstadt, in her recent article
about Azerbaijan did not mention Nagorno-Karabakh, but perhaps ought to
have, as the plight of the citizens of that unrecognized de facto state
constitutes a serious violation of human rights.
This week, the democratically-elected president of Artsakh, Bako Sahakyan, will visit Washington. He will not be received by the administration, in part because the United States is silent on the question of whether Artsakh should eventually be independent of Azerbaijan, to which it was allocated by Josef Stalin in 1921. Washington does not recognize Artsakh—in fact no country yet does—but President Sahakyan’s predecessor who visited in 1999 and 2002 met with State Department officials at the working level, and there is an unofficial representative of Nagorno-Karabakh/Artsakh resident in Washington. For this visit, Sahakyan will have to be content with meetings on the Hill and a private lunch at the Center for the National Interest.
Along with France and Russia, the United States has been attempting
to mediate the dispute between Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh for more
than twenty years. Although the talks, sponsored by the Organization for
Security and Co-operation in Europe, have not yet produced a
settlement, in the meantime the people of Karabakh have built a thriving
democracy based on market principles, free and fair elections and
respect for human rights. A fragile cease-fire reached in 1994 under
Russian auspices was flagrantly violated in April 2016 when Azeri troops
attempted to reverse the victory achieved in the early 1990s by
Karabakh Armenians fighting for their right to self-determination as the
Soviet Union started to collapse. Nagorno-Karabakh has never in fact
been part of modern Azerbaijan except as a part of the USSR, when it was
an autonomous region, with the right of secession. Nor was it a part of
the short-lived Azerbaijan that briefly existed prior to the
establishment of Soviet power in the South Caucasus.
The four-day war in 2016 has changed everything. It was a brutal
campaign launched in the middle of the night on multiple sectors of the
Line of Contact that divides the Armenian and Azeri forces. Some four
hundred casualties resulted before a shaky cease-fire was restored.
Azeri forces carried out multiple atrocities, cutting off the ears of an
elderly Armenian couple, torturing and mutilating the bodies of
Armenian soldiers, and, in at least one case, decapitating them,
ISIS-style. These atrocities—some twenty-eight of them—have been
documented by the Ombudsman for Artsakh and reported to the UN
Commission on Human Rights. The blitzkrieg destroyed what little
confidence the Armenians in Artsakh may have had in the peace talks and
in Baku’s intentions toward them, which some observers say were
tantamount to genocidal.
As I saw with my own eyes when I visited in July after the April 2016
war, the people and the de facto authorities of the Nagorno-Karabakh
Republic have built a functioning democracy despite being “unrecognized”
by the world. They have demonstrated all the attributes of a state
outlined in the Montevideo Convention except the last: the capacity to
conduct state-to-state relations. In fact, they do have the capacity; it
is only the opportunity that they have been denied. Azerbaijan punishes
anyone who visits Karabakh without its consent, so the opera singer
Monserrat Caballé, celebrity cook Anthony Bourdain, Washington Post
columnist David Ignatius and many others are now on Baku’s “black list.”
Full disclosure: I am on that list myself.
According to experts on international law who met recently in
Brussels to discuss the issue, the right to self-determination trumps
the principle of territorial integrity, which can be invoked only
“externally,” that is, in defense of the state against external threats,
but not to thwart the rights of an internal minority seeking to
exercise its rights. Leaving aside the fact that Nagorno-Karabakh
legally seceded from the USSR at the same time as Armenia and Azerbaijan
did, there can be no doubt that the conflict with the government in
Baku began as an internal one. It is also true that Armenia came to the
support of its cousins in Artsakh, as did Armenians from California and
around the world. And it has to be said that self-determination can
sometimes be exercised within a state, as Quebec has chosen to do within
Canada. But when the “parent” state employs violence against what it
considers its citizens, it forfeits its right to rule over them, and
there arises the question of what has been termed “remedial secession.”
As Professor Paul Williams of the American University Washington
College of Law reminds us, there are some seventy active
self-determination movements in today’s world. These conflicts, he
points out, are “deadly, durable and destabilizing.” They tend to last,
on average, about thirty years. But as another international law expert,
Alfred de Zayas, points out, self-determination is a form of democracy,
and ought to be viewed as a factor for long-term stability.
It is time for the international community to welcome the Republic of
Nagorno-Karabakh—Artsakh—into the community of nations. As the deputy
foreign minister of Artsakh, Armine Aleksanyan, put it recently at the
European Parliament, “Karabakh is a country, not a conflict.” The people
of Artsakh just want to live their lives in peace and freedom. Even
though the status of the Republic of Artsakh has not yet been finally
determined, the people of Artsakh possess, and should enjoy, the same
rights as all the rest of us, and ought not to be quarantined by the
rest of humanity.
"National Interest," March 11, 2018
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(*) Former ambassador of the United States in Armenia (2004-2006).
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(*) Former ambassador of the United States in Armenia (2004-2006).
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